CTCS 517 – Paper Abstract
Pamela Chan
April 13, 2014
Making of the Shengnu Phenomenon
In the Special Issue of Cultural
Studies, “Gender, Modernity and Media in the Asia Pacific,” authors
Catherine Driscoll and Meaghan Morris, through various region-specific
articles, reiterate the concept that gender “is not only a figure for
modernity” but also “a crucial element of modern subjectivity and the forms of
community it makes possible” (p. 172). Gender is learned, negotiated and
changed through public images, and by “interweaving private sentiments and
public politics,” media texts can reveal “the political unconscious and
regulatory forms of gender under late capitalism” (Ong, p. 25). Driscoll and
Morris, in addition, also highlight on “the
role of popular media in negotiating the ongoing and changing internal tensions
of modernity, not only for the nation-states that regulate, frame, import,
export and often fund discrete media industries, sometimes as part of a project
of ‘policing… cultural distinctiveness’, but above all for the everyday lives
of people as cultural participants” (p. 165).
China’s Shengnu phenomenon is a prime example of how
great a power media discourse can have over society. As
a gendered category, Shengnu seem to be socially constructed by the
intersecting socioeconomic complexities and transforming gender ideas that have
plagued contemporary China since the end of Mao’s reign. A new gender dynamic
no doubt continues to grow, and Shengnu have become both the embodiment and
by-products of changing ideologies in gender, marriage and family. On one hand,
they have been enlightened by the market economy and Western ideology to pursue
careers and equal marriages. On the other hand, they are hopelessly stuck in
the gap between ideology and reality, where the new gender dynamic in China
still places more importance on women’s domesticity. Further, Shengnu, who often hold
new expectations for romantic relationships and marriage, threaten middle class
social ideals of the ‘ultimate’ Chinese woman: a “good wife, wise mother” with
a job. Their failure to fit in with
the political agenda and public culture make them convenient targets for
various social and ethical anxieties (disorders) that occur.
Hence, Shengnu have retained a disfavorable position in
media discourse. The common definition of the term in Baidu Lemma, the Chinese version of Wikipedia, clearly shows this:
“Shengnu are modern metropolitan women with a high education, high income, and
high age (relatively old in the marriage market). They hesitate about marriage
as they stick to high standards in choosing husbands. Probably because they are
professional, intellectual, white-collar, career women, they are too
intimidating to be taken.”
“Shengnu”, which roughly translates as “left over women,”
was announced by the Chinese Ministry of Education to be an official new word
in 2007—and since then, its popularity as a catch phrase and a social
phenomenon in China has grown to alarmingly new heights. Constantly
proliferating various media sources including newspapers, journals, websites,
television, and radio programs, the term has, unfortunately, become irrevocably
derogatory. The melodramatic motif surrounding the Shengnu issue has defined it
as an epidemic, a serious problem. Shengnu are seen as a bother to their
families and to the society as a whole.
In China today, prevailing trends of media discourse
continue to target and market Shengnu as a tricky problem (or a symptom) of
over liberation, attributing the “problem” mostly to the women themselves, who
are lambasted for having the wrong attitudes and lifestyles. Popular newspapers
and magazines further elaborate on their problematic status with headlines such
as, “Shengnu: they are left over for
being too picky” or “Learn to get rid
of the curse of being Shengnu.” The
Shengnu issue has, in short, become a widespread social hit, catching attention
from all aspects of media discourse-- which continues to provide the public
with inevitable exaggerations and overgeneralizations of a much too
sensationalized group of otherwise very normal
individuals. Stereotypes are manufactured, identities are distorted, and it is
arguable that it was media discourse itself that created and problematized the
Shengnu phenomenon in the first place. The constant flows of technology, ideas, information, images, all of which
influence the way women are regarded in society, started this whole tangled
mess.
John Fiske describes
discourse as “the systems of representation that have developed socially in
order to make, organize, and circulate a coherent set of meanings about social
world.” Well, there is certainly a distinct discourse for and about the
topic of “left over women” in modern day China. In addition to the global
society’s already negative reaction and subsequent discourse of this
phenomenon, men, in Chinese culture, have also created a kind of discourse
revolving around women and their degree of ‘appropriateness’-- and the desirable
qualities that make them either marriage material or not. Various media
representations (on behalf of a male-centric hierarchy) thrust Shengnu into the
public spotlight, deliberately attacking these high-achieving single women and
creating a sort of media propaganda that embodies patriarchal values and
criticizes women in gender issues. “Shengnu are made to be problematic because
media is a business about attention,” one feminist critic suggests.
In Western
societies, women are applauded for their individualism in choosing to marry
late, not marry at all, or fill a non-traditional form of the marriage model.
They are seen as “independent” or “liberated” individuals shifting rightfully
towards a more progressive future. Yet in Chinese societies, women over the age
of 27 who are intelligent, independent, successful in the workforce, and
financially stable, are considered undesirable to Chinese men, stigmatized by
the media, and blamed for their inability to get hitched-- because they
apparently have “overly high expectations for marriage partners.”
Why is this happening in China and how
long will it continue?
This is the question my paper will hope to address. Why do Shengnu exist; how
has the current socioeconomic situation constructed them and how have they
already created changes in contemporary Chinese gender ideology? Further, why
does media discourse of this gendered social transformation exist? Why have
Shengnu been demeaned and disadvantaged in various forms of mass media? I’d like
to investigate all of this through the lens of cultural studies.
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